Globalization from Below, Resistance and New Perspectives

 

By  Maria Mies

 

[This article presented at the 29th German Evangelical Church Day, June 13-17, 2001 in Frankfurt is translated from the German on the World Wide Web, www.ikvu.de/kirchen tag/mies.html. Maria Mies is an emeritus professor of sociology in Cologne.]

 

When I read the title of this event in the church day program, I remembered a student in Frankfurt.  After I gave a lecture on the theme “Globalization from below: November-December 1999” following the fiasco of the WTO in Seattle (Nov./Dec.1999), this student asked: “At what German university can I study what you told us today?”  I had to answer: “At none.  If you want to learn something about this new international movement and reasons for their protest, you must join this global resistance.”

 

The Visions of  Globalized Capital

 

If we have no other visions, nothing is left than to submit to the visions of endless goods-production and increased capital..  Several years ago I offered this vision in a poem: Let them patent”.  Here are some verses:

 

                Whatever crawls and sweats on earth

                Whatever blossoms on this earth,

                Everything must become a commodity

                And all commodities become money.

 

                Nature is superfluous

                Here in this vale of tears.

                Our mother is Ms. technology,

                Our father is Mr. Capital.

 

The god of our time is capital, more exactly patriarchal capital.  This god is (supposedly) omnipotent, immortal, omniscient, omnipresent and must always grow.  This has never been so clear as today in the age of neoliberal globalization controlled by corporations.  This god has its own priesthood and theologians, not only its churches, banks and headquarters.  These are the economists, natural scientists and technocrats.

 

Everything is done that is possible and brings money.  Like every religion, the religion of endlessly multiplying money is also based on a creed which one must believe even when all our experience tells us this is not right.  The creed of neoliberalism also called the Washington consensus can be briefly summarized: Global free trade creates growth.  Growth creates jobs and prosperity for everyone, the prerequisite for equality, freedom, democracy and peace.

 

That this creed is believed today by so many people suggests that the people are in the dark about global free trade and institutions like the WTO, the World Bank and the IMF serving corporations worldwide today.  Many of the elected representatives of the people are frequently only mere lackeys of the corporations.  In the media, critical words were hardly found until recently on free trade agreements like the MAI, NAFTA, the FTAA for Europe and neoliberal globalization.  No criticism can enlightenment came from the German universities when the MAI was negotiated or the 1999 WTO ministerial approached.

 

What is Globalization?

 

The population in Germany knows almost nothing about the central agreements and institutions which have determined our economic policy since the beginning of the 90s: the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) which in 1995 was anchored in the World Trade Organization (WTO), the consequences of the structural adjustment program of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other free trade agreements (NAFTA, EU, APEC).  The media are and were occupied for months or years with different scandals of individual politicians.  What about the university lecturers?  For nearly a year, the so-called sixty-eighters among them were and are focused on their nostalgic retrospect to their past.

 

In any case, university lecturers are not found among the activists of the international protest movement against neoliberal globalization in Germany (unlike Canada, the US and France).  No open broad discussion has taken place in the German parliament and general public about this free trade policy.  A completely nebulous idea of globalization prevails.

 

When you ask today what globalization means, you hear the most fantastic explanations” global interweaving through the Internet leading to a “global village”, encounter of cultures, spread of democracy, freedom, equality and finally eternal peace.  Multinational corporations are not weary of preaching this new social utopia as the result of their free trade policy.  However the shortest and most correct definition of the term globalization was given by the president of a large firm, Percy N. Barnevik: “I would define globalization as the freedom for my group of enterprises to invest where and when they want, produce what they want, buy and sell where they want and support the least possible restrictions resulting from labor laws and social regulations” (quoted in: Tagesanzeiger, Jan 15, 2001).

 

Nothing more actually needs to be added to this definition.  The governments of nearly all countries of the world, whether they understand themselves as conservative/liberal, socialist/social democratic or green/social democratic have handed over the economic policy of their countries on a tablet to the transnational corporations, the so-called global players, so transnationals can promote their growth and their profit unhindered by national or international laws and agreements.

 

Many people ask what justifications allowed the elected representatives of the people 10-15 years ago to unconditionally carry out this neoliberal globalization policy controlled by corporations without a public discussion.  I still don’t have a conclusive answer to this question.

 

The most superficial explanations come from the global players themselves.  In 1979, even before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Ms. Thatcher said “there is no alternative – TINA” when she restructured English economic policy according to the theories of neoliberalism.  Since then most governments and most citizens of our countries have suffered under the TINA-syndrome: There is no alternative.  This belief was strengthened after the collapse of the Soviet system.

 

Mr. Henkel, former chairperson of BDI, wrote in a debate of Greenpeace Magazine (May 2001): “Resistance against globalization is useless and counter-productive.  It is useless because globalization cannot be stopped.  When it is hot outside, I don’t stand defiantly before the door with scarf and woolen hat and complain about the heat.”

 

Thus globalization is like the weather.  Others say globalization is like gravity.  Here are some of the most common metaphors: Unhindered global free trade creates a “level playing field”.  When large and small firms compete with one another everywhere unchecked by state regulations, the greatest well-being for everyone arises in the sense of the father of liberalism, Adam Smith.

 

In variation of the well-known trickle-down argument, when the flood rises, the small fishing boats also rise, not only the luxury yachts.  The vision of globalized capitalism is that there is no vision any more and one must pragmatically submit to the practical necessities like the force of gravity.  TINA.  However TINA is not based on scientific discoveries or findings but in reality represents a faith-system.  No one formulated this more clearly than Mr. Maucher, the head of Nestle.  He said: “One cannot explain any more to a normal person that stock prices rise every day and simultaneously more people are on the street.  Still competitiveness is ultimately the most certain method of creating jobs even if the way there is sometimes rough.”

 

Thus what is involved is belief: no investments without competition and no jobs without investments.  We believe this even though daily experience shows that these assertions are not true.  Credo quia absurdum.

 

The Washington Consensus

 

The creed of neoliberalism was writtend own in 1989 by the American economist Williamson in 10 dogmas which became known as the Washington Consensus.  This Washington Consensus promised all governments, above all the poor countries, that all their problems will be solved if they accept the rules of global free trade as the central goal of the economy, namely:

 

1.                   The most important goal of the economy is growth. Growth creates jobs, wealth, development, equality and democracy.

2.                   Economic globalization: all borders must be opened for the global traffic of goods, services, capital and investments.

3.                   Privatization

4.                   Deregulation (liberalization): rules and laws hindering this free trade must be deregulated.

5.                   Global free trade is the source of wealth, not local production.

6.                   Restriction of the role of the state, above all in the economy

7.                   Lower taxes for entrepeneurs

8.                   Limitation of state expenditures for health, education, social projects and so forth.

9.                   Unhindered competition of everyone against everyone to stimulate output

10.               Liberalization of global free trade

 

The governments of the poor countries did not merely accept this Washington Consensus.  Most of them were forced by the World Bank and the IMF with its SAPs.  Whoever wants credits of the World Bank must restructure the economy according to the above rules.  Still the governments of the rich countries, their media and their universities have accepted the Washington Consensus like a natural law – TINA.  Why?  One reason: Many of our consumer goods were cheaper.  A second: more and more people were bound in the logic of capital accumulation by stock ownership including students.  Where should another social utopia arise in this fossilized TINA-situation in the universities where the only value is shareholder value?

 

Falling Away from Belief in the Neoliberal Creed

 

Before other visions can occur, many people in many countries must fall away from belief in the promises of global free trade.  Nevertheless this apostasy of faith does not occur first in the ivory towers of the universities.  Where the WTO deregulates, globalizes, and privatizes the whole education sector from elementary schools to universities in their member countries – in the scope of the global agreement on trade and services (GATS) – we don’t hear anything about rebellion and resistance against this policy in the German universities.  In her article, Claudia von Werlhof focuses on this remarkable paralysis of defenders of the “mind”.  Therefore the question of this arrangement is also wrong.  Visions are not “impossible” but rather visions starting from academic institutions which submit to the creed of neoliberalism

 

Visions out of Resistance

 

Apostasy from faith and development of a new vision and hope do not arise in scientific discourses in the protected space of universities and academic journals.  This complete change occurs in protest on the streets against the apparently superior or overwhelming global players, their institutions and agreements.  Resistance turns directly against the big concerns and big banks who are the winners of this neoliberal policy.  Resistance is also directed against the governments that no longer practice their mandate for the well-being of the people but have become lackeys of the global players.  Nowhere is this clearer than in the attempts to speed up privatization and liberalization of public services (education, health, water, transporation, banks, insurance and others) demanded by GATS.

 

In January 2001, Maude Barlow of the Council of Canadians said at the protest against the world economic forum in Porto Allegre that the real goal of GATS is dramatically or completely reducing the ability of governments everywhere to pass any laws in the interests of the citizens.  Only the police control of citizens is left.  In the protest events since Seattle (1999) in Washington, Melbourne, Prague, Nizza, Davos and Quebec, this process of the criminalization of international resistance was unmistakable.  More and more police and armed forced must protect the government representatives and global players from the protest of the people.  More and more persons begin to ask where this growing protest is leading.  Ascribing this protest to a handful of young rioters is no longer possible.

 

The Washington Consensus has Broken Down

 

That many citizens no longer believe but regard as deceit the promises of the neoliberal globalizers was manifest since the third ministerial of the WTO in Seattle in November 1999.  Numerous empirical analyses showed that reality appeared differently after 10-20 years of neoliberal policy than the Washington Consensus envisioned.  A “level playing field” hardly appeared.  The gap between poor and rich was greater than ever between the countries and within the countries.

 

After ten years of global free trade policy, the unrestricted freedom and increased wealth of several persons and corporations were purchased with increased servitude and growing poverty of most people in the world.  This gap has widened as never before since the eighties not only between rich and poor countries but also within the richest countries of the world: the US, England and Germany.  In the meantime UN organizations and the World Bank admit that the chasm between rich and poor as expanded enormously in the past years through the worldwide free trade policy.

 

Here are some statistics.  In the 1997 annual report of UNCTAD, we read that “globalization in its present form is responsible for a dynamic rise of inequality in the world.  In 1965, the average personal income in the G7 countries, the richest seven countries, was 20 times higher than the average in the poorest seven countries of the world.  By 1995, this difference climbed to 35 times higher.  The chasm between the incomes and polarization within the countries also grows.  The share of wealth taken in by the top 20 percent of the population rose in most countries.  What about the US?  In the eighties, the top ten percent of American families raised their income around 16% and the top five percent 23%.  The top one percent had a growth of income around 50%.  In contrast, the income of 80 percent fell to the lower ranks of society.  The lowest ten percent of the population lost 15% of their meager incomes which declined from $4,113 a year to $3,504.

 

The American Institute for Policy Studies has shown that average wages in the US have fallen 10 percent over 25 years.  The wealth of the 475 billionaires of the world is equal to the income of 50% of the world’s population.  Of the 100 largest economies of the world, 52 are corporations.  Only 48 are countries.  Development in England and Germany is similar.

 

In the third world, the gap between the globalization winners and the globalization losers is even more dramatic.  For many people here, globalization means simply that their survival is threatened.  The penetration of large multinational corporations in the agriculture of these countries ruins the small farmers.  The shipment of agricultural surpluses from the US and the EU (European Union) to these countries at cut-rate prices destroys millions of small farmer existences who find no alternatives jobs in industry.

 

Genetic engineering coupled with the WTO regulation on protection of intellectual property and the new patent rights dispossess people in the third world of their traditional knowledge and make this knowledge the private property of several corporations.   The new products are then brought on the market for giant profits.  At the same time the biological diversity of these countries is destroyed by the monoculture introduced in these countries by agricultural multinationals.

 

The ecological and social consequences of the globalization of the economy have led to whole epidemics of suicides of farmers in India who believed the promises of agribusiness, for example that cotton manipulated by genetic engineering is more productive.  The cultivation of this cotton was a single catastrophe.  Many farmers went bankrupt and only saw a way out in suicide.  Nevertheless not only the rules of free trade protected by the WTO drive millions of farmers into ruin, despair and suicide.

 

The structural adjustment programs of the World Bank and the IMF forced on the heavily indebted countries have similar consequences.  The governments of these countries must reduce their public spending for schools, public health and other social projects and open their gates for imports and investors from the rich countries which usually leads to the ruin of native operations.  Often these countries must devalue their currencies.  The wages of workers must be lowered , state or semi-state factories privatized and agriculture converted to export production.

 

In a report on Tanzania, 80% of the children went to elementary school in 1980 while  today only 50 percent attend.  The per-capita income in the seventies was $309 and sank to $160 after introduction of SAPs.  The government spends only 1 percent of its budget for the public health system.  After such reports, who still dares say that the policy of globalization, liberalization and privatization is a blessing and “creates a level playing field”?

 

The End of Democracy, Further Destruction of the Environment, Threats to Health, Erosion of Labor, Social- and Human Rights and an Economic Policy Serving Humankind.

 

To the people who took to the streets in Seattle, Prague, Washington, Nizza and Davos, globalization, liberalization and privatization not only widen the gulf between the rich and powerful within and between the countries.  The labor, social and human rights gained through struggle in several centuries also fall by the wayside.  Protection and preservation of creation are subordinated to unhindered profit-mongering.  Everything on this earth is only seen as a commodity.  Commodities should only serve the greater accumulation of capital.  What we understood in the past under democracy is not compatible with global free trade.

 

“Global free trade and democracy are like fire and water,” John Gray, the former advisor of Margaret Thatcher, wrote in 1998.  “Those who want a free world market have always insisted that the legal framework defining and anchoring it be outside the range of every democratic legislature.  Sovereign states can become members in the WTO.  However this organization and not the legislature of any sovereign state determines what is regarded as free trade and what is a trade barrier.” (Gray 1998)

 

Transnational corporations cannot develop globally and “freely” when the danger exists that the economic policy of the countries in which they operate can be changed every 4 years by the voting decisions of the citizens.  This is the reason for institutions like the WTO and agreements like Amsterdam (EU), NAFTA, GATS, AoA, TRIPs and many other free trade arrangements.  Once created, they are quasi immune against democratic parliamentary changes.

 

The destruction of democratic foundations was and is one of the main critical points of the protestors on the streets of Seattle, Prague, Nizza, Davos, Quebec and Genoa.  The secrecy policy surrounding the negotiations of all these agreements and their deficiency in transparency and citizen participation are not “errors” that can be repaired through certain reforms but belong to the structural elements of global free trade policy controlled by corporations.  Whoever wants one (for example democracy) cannot have the other (for example global free trade).

 

The New Vision: An other World is Possible

 

The realizations that the promises of neoliberal globalism are deceit arose in local, national and international resistance actions, in globalization from below, not in the protected space of academic discourse.  However the question was always raised to globalization opponents: If you are against global free trade, what different economy and society do you propose as an alternative?

 

The answer to this question begins wherever people reject the TINA-syndrome, where they stop believing there is no alternative.  Many of the slogans in Seattle, Prague and the other counter-summits stress this rejection : for example, People and the Planet over Profit, The World is not a Commodity or Another World is Possible (Porto Allegro 2001).  The Via Campesina, the international network of oppositional farmer movements formulated the slogan: Globalize resistance, Globalize hope.

 

The worldwide protest movement against an economic policy that sets growth and profit above everything is simultaneously the beginning of the hope that another world is possible.  Without hope, there is no vision.  The new worldwide social movement against globalization composed of different initiatives, interest-groups, traditions and cultures has a common vision although it does not follow a uniform ideology.

 

This vision begins wherever people demand back control over their immediate living conditions, no longer accepting decisions over their food, their air, their water, health care, schools, the environment, personnel transfers and many other areas of their immediate life by some board of directors of distant multinational corporations or by bureaucrats in Brussels or Geneva in the name of agreements they don’t know.

 

Contrary to what some academic critics imagine, this vision is not merely a whistling in the woods or a helpless conceitedness with no concept.  This vision is based on an exact criticism of conditions represented by the globalizers as a natural event.  As demonstrated in many examples, these conditions were “made” at certain places, certain times and by certain actors (cf. George, Balanya et al, Chomsky).  They are neither an accident nor necessary.  What was made by people can also be changed by people.  This is the most essential insight for every vision of another society.

 

The second point about this vision is that there is no one alternative to the dominant world order.  Rather many people in many initiatives and organizations in different countries of the world reflect about a different economy, society and politics.  This is good.

 

The third characteristic of these new perspectives is that they are not mere utopias in the sense of wish-dreams or ideals but are already put into effect everywhere in the world, in large or small politico-economic and social projects and movements.  This was clear in Porto Allegre (southern Brazil) where the opponents of globalization controlled by corporations met in January 2001 at the world social summit against the world economic forum in Davos.  In Davos, the global players and their lackeys met.  In Porto Allegre, the critics of neoliberal globalization gathered.  Their slogan was and is: Another world is possible.  Porto Allegre has been an emblematic city for several years in the eyes of those who insist another world is possible…

 

For twelve years, Porto Allegre was governed by a leftist coalition under the leadership of the workers’ party (PT).  The city shows spectacular advances in many areas – housing, local traffic, street cleaning, waste removal, ambulatory and stationary health care, sewage system, environment, social housing development, literacy, school construction, culture, pu8blic security among others.  The secret of this success is the joint determination budget.  The inhabitants of the different parts of town can decide concretely and democratically over the use of community funds.  The decision on what areas of the infrastructure are created or improved is in their hands.  They can see the further development of the projects and the financing at close range.  Without misappropriation or embezzlement of public funds or abuse of office, the investments correspond more precisely to the desires of the majority of the city population” (Ignacio Ramonet, 2001).

 

If the city of Berlin after its financial debacle is inspired by the example of Porto Allegre, if one had a vision there beyond the neoliberal model, then another alternative to its bankruptcy could occur than only the privatization of all public institutions.  Several of these perspectives concentrate on the local or regional economy.  The critics of globalization realize that economic and political control over immediate living conditions is only possible in smaller economic spaces in which people can democratically cooperate in public matters as actually happens in Porto Allegre.

 

This perspective is not a mere utopia but has already been tested for example by the Greens in England together with some NGOs.  This movement was triggered by the BSE-scandal.  The people want to know what they eat; they demand food sovereignty.  From May to July 2001, markets arise in many cities where local products are sold alongside education campaigns under the slogan “Local Food for global prosperity”.  The English Greens have started a broader campaign with the title: Protect the Local Globally.  Colin Hines, one of the advocates of this direction in the European parliament, says that only such a policy of localization can prevent further hatred of foreigners in Europe since “home” and local possibilities can be destroyed everywhere.

 

The Subsistence perspective

 

As an ecofeminist, I agree with much of what Colin Hines and his friends in England propagate and practice: regionalization, ecologization, localization, new internationalism, new participatory democracy.  However a decisive point for us feminists is lacking in nearly all alternative designs against neoliberal globalism.  We cannot accept a vision of another better world where the patriarchal man-woman relation is not revolutionized.  This relation is not only an analogy to the person-nature relation but a basic structural condition for the functioning of the neoliberal capitalism obsessed by growth.  Without patriarchy there is no infinite capital accumulation!  This relation cannot be changed through a mere equality policy since it is pointless when women do “with equal rights” what men do today in this system.  The system as a whole must be changed.

 

We propose the subsistence perspective for this necessary change.  People win back another idea of “good life” than what capital offers, namely much money and full supermarkets.  Immediate life production or subsistence production stands in the center of all social and economic activities, no longer goods production and the infinite multiplication of money.  Men and women must share equally in this subsistence production.

 

Like the other perspectives, the subsistence perspective has already begun in countries of the South and the North, in the city and the countryside.  In our book “A Cow for Hillary. The Subsistence Perspective” (Munich 1997), we report about many examples where and how people alight from the madness, the pathetic undignified, senseless paid work and absurd capital accumulation.

 

The subsistence perspective is necessary and desirable.  This is also true for the centers of global capitalism, not only for countries and societies that were victims of predatory neoliberal attacks (the countries of the South and the former Soviet block).  The BSE crisis made clearer than anything else that only smaller, ecologically oriented economies can have food sovereignty.  This is only socially-friendly and possible when costs are not shifted or “externalized” to women and other “minorities”.

 

Subsistence means “freedom in necessity”, not mastery (transcendence) of the kingdom of necessity.  This assumes another relation to nature than the domination model.  Subsistence means peace with and in nature.  Vandana Shiva tells about an Indian movement to preserve biological and cultural diversity which Jaiv Panchayat calls life democracy.  Buffaloes, cows, goats, snakes, trees, leaves, in a word all nature belong to this life democracy, not only all people, women, men and children.  People are only governors and protectors of this diversity.

 

Subsistence means above all peace between the genders.  However this peace assumes the defeat of patriarchal and capitalist domination.  Peace between the genders can only be attained through the reorientation of men and women according to another model of the “good life”, not the adaptation of women “upwards” (equal positions or gender mainstreaming).

 

Subsistence means abundance and a new internationalism based on mutuality, new communities and new social relations.  As a slogan for this perspective, we have chosen the motto of Brazilian farm workers who declared in 1997 during a workshop before the Rio summit that they and nature created/ create all the wealth, not foreign corporations.  Long live abundance!

 

 

Let them be patented

 

Let them be patented

Because they are capital.

Their livers, their nerves,

Their genes at all times.

Let them be patented

Because they only exist once.

Before the multinationals dissect them,

They have the first choice.

 

Genes, genes and patents,

That is the latest hit.

That will bring the best pension.

Make a killing, divide up the spoils!

Whatever crawls and sweats on earth,

Whatever blossoms in this world

Everything must become a commodity

And every commodity must become money.

 

Merck, Monsanto, Ciba Geigy

Hoechst and Bayer join

In the chase for patents,

In the run for profit.

These new great mothers

Create food, heal pain.

If only the balance sheets are right,

They don’t need a human heart.

 

Nature does not produce

This beautiful new life.

Women do not create children

Who originate in the laboratory.

Nature is superfluous

Here in the vale of tears.

Our mother is Ms. Technology

Our father is Mr. Capital.

 

What is life

In the eternal monotony.

Still your gene lives eternally.

Where the gene gives freedom

Fresh on its seed bench

Where progress multiplies

We say thanks multis.

 

Maria Mies, Cologne 1996

(c) Common Intellectual Property of People with Resistance Genes (CIPPRG)

To be sung to the melody: Peace, Radiant Sparks of God!